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|Taiwan yu zhongguo dalu binzang fagui zhi bijiao yanjiu - yi binzang guanli wei zhong (A comparative study of the funeral and interment laws on Taiwan and Mainlan China - With a focus on funeral and interment)||2006||Ye, Xiuwen||Chinese||Taiwan and Mainland China were differentiated in managing funeral and interment|
service because of the historical segregation. Although both parties are opposed to each
other politically, the economical trading has been unable to avoid; besides, the economic
trading power is usually the resource to sustain a country’s political power. Therefore,
how to utilize Taiwan’s advantages in funeral and interment service, such as advanced
techniques, human elite and extensive capital, to compete and also cooperate with China
under the structure of internationalization and globalization depends on the comparison and
research of both parties’ regulations in funeral and interment service area. The purpose of
this research thesis is to provide the mutual understand in regulations for people of the
other party, to prompt the attention for law legislation of this minor area, and be the
reference for Taiwanese people in regards of handling funeral and interment service in
China or maybe the potential investment in this industry in China.
This thesis uses comparative method, compares the physical content of both parties’
funeral regulations clause by clause and also gives the introduction of comparison of
practicing right in lawsuit and litigation.
The result of this research is as follows:
The funeral and interment service management law of Mainland China and Taiwan
regulate in different levels. Taiwan always lists details, but China only gives general
principles. However, both parties take land saving into great consideration; hence, both
parties forbid private personal burial unless it is in public facilities. In the movement of
cremation; Taiwan government encourages people to do so, but China request everyone to
be cremated. China does not allow private family or clan burial ground/bone ash tower, the
building of pre-death grave, and the selling of cemetery space and bone ash tower before
death; but Taiwan does not limit people to do so.
Taiwan’s burial facilities are open to personal business operation, the funeral and
interment service are mostly operated by private business entity; the facilities and
commodities are not limited for personal trading. China in the other hand is operated by
government, and will open to private business in the future. In the management and
operation of facilities, Taiwan basically separates the duty, but China combines these two
areas. China regulates clearly about respects to minority races’ funeral and interment
customs, but Taiwan does not list this type of rules.
Regarding the establishment, registration and business operation validity of funeral and
interment service, Taiwan states clearly in the Funeral Management Law that it needs to be
authorized by municipal city or local county(city) government bureau; China turns it to
local government and the examination is different by the type of service management unit.
About funeral and interment service providers(mortician), in China, they usually affiliated
with the funeral and interment facilities. As to the regulation of service staff, Taiwan has
rules for setting a funeral director position when business entity gets to a certain size;
China however does not require setting a responsible service staff. And China’s
certification process of service staff adheres to the requirements of public administration
worker’s technique level and standard. China requests a certain technical process when
moving the dead body, but Taiwan does not have mandatory rules. The degree of law
enforcement is also different between China and Taiwan, Taiwan usually penalizes through
the administrative rulings, but China in stead takes severe actions. When it comes to
funeral and interment arguments or lawsuits, both parties often examine in advance
through administrative ruling procedures in their legitimacy or adequacy. And the
administrative ruling procedures only apply when there is illegal practice.
|The birth of the Chinese population: A study in the history of governmental logistics||2013||Thompson, Malcolm||English||It was only in the early twentieth century that China discovered that it had a population, at least|
if a population is understood not as a number of people but instead in terms of such features as
relative levels of health, birth and death rates, sex ratios, and so on—that is, as an object with a
specific rationality that can be managed and improved. In 1900, such a conception of the
population did not exist in China; by the 1930s, it was utterly pervasive. How did this
transformation take place? This dissertation argues that it occurred at the level of techniques of
governing and systems of knowledge production, and explains it from the perspective of
changes in the institutional and epistemological forms by which interventions into other people's
activities are organized.
The installation of populationist practices into China is tracked in four sites:
1. The problem of “race efficiency”—formalized in this period as the cost in “race
energy” of producing a given increment to a population—and analyses of the effects of
different kinds of social organization on the production of life.
2. The institutional division of population registration into censuses (“statics”) and vital
statistics (“dynamics”)—in a word, the formation of a statistical system based on
3. Public health, whose object of care is not patients but the collective life of the
population and its conditions of existence.
4. The problem of the China's “rural surplus labour-power” in relation to the formation of
a national economy.
This dissertation shows how the privileged position of the population in political and economic
reflection in Republican China carved out a field of governability by which it was possible to
enchain a variety of previously disconnected fields of activity into a single logic, the axiom of
which was the capitalist accumulation of life.
|The Householder Elite: Buddhist Activism in Shanghai, 1920-1956||2010||Jessup, James Brooks||English||This dissertation is a social history of the urban community of lay Buddhist elites, known as|
“householders,” that vigorously pursued a mission of Buddhist activism in Shanghai during the
first half of the twentieth century. The Shanghai householders were capitalists, doctors, lawyers,
intellectuals and party members who chose to make a formal commitment to Buddhism and its
goals of salvation yet retained their status as regular members of society with families and
careers. They comprised the largest and most influential of the elite lay Buddhist communities
that sprang up in cities across China during the Republican era. This study analyzes the social
significance of the Shanghai householder community as it transitioned through a series of social
and political upheavals from its emergence in the 1920s to its eventual demise amidst the
transition to socialism in 1956. I argue that throughout these years Buddhist activism constituted
an arena of civic culture in which urban elites were able to establish a durable source of moral
authority and social legitimacy.
|The Politics of Social Spending in China: The Role of Career Incentives||2011||Liu, Ta-wei||English||How does an authoritarian regime like China’s ensure social welfare provision at|
the local level when there is no democratic accountability? Moreover, when local
politicians are granted discretion to administer social policy, why do some follow the
Center and increase social spending, while others ignore the central directive and spend
money on other types of programs instead? Based on quantitative and qualitative data
collected during 14 months of field research, I find that there is still accountability in
China, but it works indirectly through the Center based on politicians’ career ambitions.
Ambitious provincial officials—those who seek to advance their careers at the central
level—comply with central government mandates with respect to social welfare provision
in order to impress Beijing and increase their chances for promotion. The evidence also
suggests that politicians in China provide social goods in response to the demands of
labor and to prevent labor unrest. Local officials would rather provide social security and
welfare than education or health because “almost all protests are triggered by laborers
unhappy about social security and welfare” (city official). Finally, contrary to what we
expect, a province does not necessarily increase social welfare provision as the resources
available to the province increases. Data shows that a 10% annual growth rate only
results in a 0.6% increase in the province’s social spending (as a share of total budget),
while a 10% increase in provincial tax revenue actually reduces the provincial social
spending by 7.4%. But when there is an ambitious provincial leader in the province,
he/she increases the social spending (as a share of total budget) by at least 12.5%. As a
sharp comparison, the demography and unemployment rate in a province do not explain
how much the province spends on social policy. These findings show that the decision on
social spending is not based on the people’s need or the economic capability of the
government, but the career incentives of the politicians.
|The post office and state formation in modern China, 1869-1949||2012||Harris, Lana Jeremy||English||This dissertation explores the myriad ways the Imperial/Chinese Post Office contributed to the formation of the modern Chinese state in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. In particular, this is a study of how the nineteenth and twentieth century internal and external crises in China began a process in which the Post Office played an instrumental role in transforming the presiding state of an agrarian empire into a centralizing nation-state. In the midst of that transformation, the Post Office contributed to the shift of the locus of sovereignty from the person of the Emperor to the impersonal state.|
Originating in 1896, the Chinese Post Office became universal within the country by the Communist victory in 1949. The Post Office survived as an administrative entity throughout this entire period because its foreign and Chinese administrators pursued strategies to insulate, protect, and strengthen this “non-political” institution from external disruption and territorial division. In the midst of protecting its territorial integrity, the Post Office also challenged and out-competed six other pre-existing postal services on Chinese soil. In attaining its monopoly, the Post Office occupied the entire geographically-defined territory of China as the postal monopolist and attained international recognition as sovereign in postal affairs. As a new-style interventionist central government institution, the Post Office not only carried mail, but also heavily subsidized the modern press and offered a wide variety of “public services” such as money orders, parcel post, postal savings, and simple life insurance to transform society and the economy as an “extramarket” force mitigating some of the negative effects of capitalist development. Coupled the Post Office’s role as an extramarket agent was its creation and control over a new “information infrastructure” for the modern Chinese nation-state. Within this infrastructure, the Post Office coordinated all modern and traditional forms of transportation, filling in the gaps with its own couriers, to revolutionize the sense of space, time, and speed in Chinese society and create a new informational environment for the modern nation-state. Controlling that infrastructure allowed the Post Office to become the most important censoring institution of the Republican state through its ability to place institutional controls on the circulation of information. If the Post Office intervened negatively in the public sphere through censorship, it also positively advocated for itself by creating its corporate identity through the use of sophisticated public relations techniques that blurred the lines between public information and advertising. Finally, the Post Office was one of the most important state institutions maintaining contact with overseas Chinese networks through its long-term relationship with Qiaopiju remittance firms. In the midst of that relationship, the Post Office facilitated the transnationalization of the state by creating its own overseas remittance network.
In sum, this dissertation argues that sandwiched between the establishment of a modern Postal Service in 1896 and the Communist takeover in 1949, the late Qing, warlord, and Nationalist governments created the structures of an internationally-recognized, and internally-coherent, independent and territorially-sovereign state. One of the most important state institutions in this process was the Chinese Post Office.
|The role of social health insurance in health financing system - a global look and a case study for China||2011||Huang, Xiaobian||English||It has been widely recognized that poor health is an important cause of poverty, especially among the low- and middle- income countries. One of the reasons is the absence of public financial protection against the medical consumption risk in these countries. This Phd dissertation is dedicated to discern the role that health insurance could play in the organization of health financial protection system. The dissertation is composed of two parts. The first part discusses the problems linking to the financing to medical consumption from a global point of view. Chapter 1 brings theoretical discussions on three topics: 1) the specialties of medical consumption risks and the difficulties in using private health insurance to manage medical consumption risks. 2) The role of government and market in the distribution of health resources. 3) The options for the organization of health financing system. Chapter 2 conducts a statistical comparison on the performance of health financing systems in the countries of different social-economic background. The discussion is carried out around three aspects of health financing: the availability of resources, the organization of health financing, and the coverage of financial protection. The second part of the dissertation studies the evolution of heath financing system in a specific country: China. Three chapters are assigned to this part. Chapter 3 introduces the history of Chinese health financing system since 1950s. It helps us to understand the challenges in health financing brought by economic reform. Chapter 4 carries out an empirical study on the distribution of health financing burden in China in the 1990s. It illustrates the direct results of the decline of public financing and increase of direct payment. Chapter 5 presents health insurance reform that launched by the government since the end of 1990s. An impact analysis is conducted on an original dataset of 24 township hospitals in Weifang prefecture in the north of the China. The objective is to estimate the impact of the implementation of New Rural Medical Cooperation System (NRMCS) on the activities and financial structure of township hospitals. At last, we conclude that social health insurance (SHI) permits a sharing of health financial responsibilities between the service provider, the patient-consumer, and the service purchaser. It can not only involve both public and private agents into the collection of funds for health financing system, but also make each party more accountable due to the risks they bear from the result of medical consumption. Meanwhile it is necessary to note that SHI is just one option among others to organize health financing system. The implementation of SHI requires a certain level of social-economic development. SHI does not systematically bring better performance on health financing if it is not accompanied by the reforms on provider payment or on service delivery system. Government commitment and institutional capacity are also key factors for the good function of the system.|